Is drastic land reform an answer to the prevailing perverse
ownership of land?
The
civil society organization and the government are deeply concerned with growing
landlessness and land concentration because of its implications on the growing
trend in rural areas that is why any discussion on rural livelihoods warrants
an elaborate explanation of the emerging patterns of land ownership. To
enlighten the discussion, we segmented surveyed households into seven groups. We
can consider two issue in this context
; (a) The ratio of owners under different classes or groups, and(b) The proportions
of the total land under their command. We observed that the proportion of
households with only homestead land-called absolute or pure landless households-has
decreased in the comparable periods from 35 percent in 1988 to about 29 percent
in 2007.Theis information allows us to argue that landlessness in
Bangladesh has decreased over time.
Owned
land (ha)
|
Share of households
(per cent)
1988 2000 2007
|
Share of owned land
(per cent)
1988 2000 2007
|
Homestead
only
Up
to 0.20
0.21-0.40
0.41-1.0
1.0-2.0
2.0-3.0
3.01
and above
|
35.1 34.4 28.7
12.3 15.8 30.2
11.6 15.1 11.7
21.7 19.3 17.0
11.2 10.2 8.2
5.3 2.4 2.4
2.9 2.9 1.8
|
1.6 1.6 7.8
2.4 3.2 4.7
5.5 8.2 7.5
22.7 23.2 23.0
25.8 26.8 24.9
20.8 10.8 12.7
21.2 26.3 19.4
|
total
|
100.0 100.0 100.0
|
100.0 100.0 100.0
|
Size
of own land (ha)
|
|
0.61 0.53 0.48
|
But the share of functionally landless households
(owing up to 0.20 ha or under 1.5 bigha) increased substantially during the
same period of time.
The somewhat reduction of absolute landless households
might surprise the readers, But several factors might have contributed to this
trend.
First,
is the higher incidence of migration by the destitute households to urban areas.
Second,
the activities of the NGO’s in rural area providing access to credit might have
borne fruits for them.
And
finally, it might have so happened that some of the pure landless households
that improved their economic conditions with micro-credit may have gone for
owning a piece of land for construction of house. However, the proportion of
small land owning group stayed almost at the same level, although land under
their command increased marginally.
It also appears that the proportion of both medium and
large farmers have rapidly gone down since 1988. In this context we can also
cast our attention on the existing disparity in land ownership pattern.
For example, as per the information of the last survey, households
owning up to three bighas of land (up to 0.4ha) constitute about 70 per cent of
all households but controls only 20 per cent of the total land. As opposed to
this, only 4 per cent of households (with 15 bigha or 2 ha and above land)
controls about one-thirds of the land (table: 4.1).
That land is becoming scarce day by day is indicated
by the sharp decline in the average size of landownership per rural households.
The average size of owned land stood at 0.61 ha in 1988 that significantly
declined over time to perk at 0.48 ha in 2007-decline by 21 percent over the
last two decades.
Owned
land (ha)
|
Share of households
(per cent)
1988 2000 2007
|
Share of owned land
(per cent)
1988 2000 2007
|
Homestead
only
Up
to 0.20
0.21-0.40
0.41-1.0
1.0-2.0
2.0-3.0
3.01
and above
|
35.1 34.4 28.7
12.3 15.8 30.2
11.6 15.1 11.7
21.7 19.3 17.0
11.2 10.2 8.2
5.3 2.4 2.4
2.9 2.9 1.8
|
1.6 1.6 7.8
2.4 3.2 4.7
5.5 8.2 7.5
22.7 23.2 23.0
25.8 26.8 24.9
20.8 10.8 12.7
21.2 26.3 19.4
|
total
|
100.0 100.0 100.0
|
100.0 100.0 100.0
|
Size
of own land (ha)
|
|
0.61 0.53 0.48
|
The rapid rural-urban migration has not been able to arrest
the decline in land endowment of an average household in rural areas.
The reduction is in the size of owned land could be
attributed mainly to increase in population and fragmentation of households.
A closer look at the distributional pattern of land
suggest that, due to the dwindling dominance of medium and large farms and the
widespread presence of landless and near-landless households, it is pauperization-not
differentiation-which has developed over time in rural Bangladesh. Under this
state of things, we have serious doubt as to whether the objectives of putting
up a land ceiling on the land owning groups, and then distributing the surplus
to the landless households would work well. In other words, we have to see
whether that could provide access to some land to the millions of landless and
marginal landowning households to help them make a viable land holding.
Imposing a ceiling of landownership at 3.0 ha
(this a ceiling imposed by the land reform in Japan
and South Korea by the occupation forces after the second world war).
The reform will affect only the top 3-4 per cent of
the households who would have very little surplus land to share with 10 million
landless and near-landless households in the country. The bottom one-third of
the households in the landownership scale would have to seek their livelihoods
in the agricultural labor market or in rural non-farm occupation in any way
irrespective of the land reform. And for this reason alone, the issue of
redistributive land reform is likely to remain with a big question mark in the
discourse on redistribution of land.
Some studies however indicate to a considerable amount
of land in the hands of the government agencies that acquired land in the name
development project, but didn’t utilize all the land for the project.
Also the government had acquired the land left over by
non-Muslims who migrated to India in the aftermath of the partition in 1947 and
during the war of liberation in 1971. Such land could be distributed to 10 per
cent or so absolute landless households so that they have at least a piece to
construct a house, to have some cover over their head.
Reference::
Rural Economy and livelihoods
By Mahbub Hossain and Abdul bayes
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